Juan Williams: My Meetings With Mandela

I was going to give you guys a rant on Mandela’s passing, but Juan Williams said it all the then some. This is the best eulogy I have seen so far.

– Bromley

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Juan Williams: My Meetings With Mandela

Fresh from prison, he granted an interview—then quizzed me about a topic that fascinated him: race and politics in America.

By Juan Williams, Dec. 5, 2013 7:04 p.m. ET
When Nelson Mandela was released from his 27-year imprisonment in South Africa in February 1990, hundreds of journalists from around the world descended on Soweto, desperate for an interview. I was among them, and the staff that had quickly formed around Mandela rebuffed me as they did almost everyone else. But then came a lucky break: It turned out that Mandela had read my book on the U.S. civil-rights movement while he was in prison, and through his friends I was able to get in to see him.An interview was going to be difficult to execute. Mandela, the international symbol of resistance to South Africa’s apartheid policy who had emerged triumphant, was besieged by well-wishers and congratulatory mail. We struck a deal: If I would help him with his correspondence, we could talk together.Over three days at his modest home at 8115 Vilakazi Street, we spoke about many subjects, but the conversation amounted to a two-way interview. I would ask Mandela about his fight against apartheid and what it was like to inspire people around the world who were struggling for freedom. He would ask me about a subject that seemed to fascinate him: race and politics in America.Mandela had not been so isolated during the latter stages of his captivity that he was unfamiliar with world events. He had known about American economic sanctions against the South African government—an expression of “the best ideal of the American people,” he said. He knew that liberal Democratic Sen. Edward Kennedy could have been expected to back the sanctions, but he was absorbed by the fact that Bob Dole, a conservative Republican senator, also backed them. Support for the sanctions was a “litmus test” of how the all-white Senate felt about equal rights for black people in the U.S. and world-wide, Mandela said.


Nelson Mandela after his first news conference upon being released from prison in 1990. AFP/Getty Images

He was also intrigued by Ronald Reagan, whose administration had backed “constructive engagement” with South Africa in the hope that economic and other incentives might persuade the government to abandon its racist policies. Constructive engagement ended in 1986 when Congress overrode Reagan’s veto of an economic-sanctions bill. With America now taking a more assertively antiapartheid stance, Reagan had a devilish idea for signaling to the regime that he was fully onboard: He named a black career diplomat, Edward Perkins, as ambassador to South Africa. Mr. Perkins began pressing hard for Mandela’s release. Four years later, Mandela would quiz me closely about the workings of all this U.S. gamesmanship and politicking.

The American civil-rights movement particularly intrigued him, Mandela said, because the racial dynamics in the U.S. were a reversal of those in his country, where the black majority population was oppressed by a white minority. Fear of black rule was the basis of racial apartheid laws banning blacks from owning land and voting in South Africa. Though he was a trained lawyer, Mandela had advocated armed struggle as necessary to overturn the law of apartheid in South Africa. He was puzzled how black Americans, never close to a racial majority, had successfully ended segregation by engaging in a nonviolent movement that appealed to the principles of a white majority’s law, the Constitution—just as American law had driven the movement to end slavery a century before.

With his death Thursday at age 95, Mandela is being rightly celebrated as a hero. He sacrificed more than a quarter-century of his life to prison in the struggle to end apartheid. He was awarded the Nobel Prize in 1993, sharing the honor with South African President Frederik W. de Klerk, who had ended the government’s racist policy. The following year, at age 75, Mandela himself became South Africa’s president, in the country’s first democratic, multiracial government.

Mandela’s remarkable life is inescapably viewed by Americans through the lens of this country’s own racial history. In truth, Mandela had nothing to do with the American civil-rights movement, yet when he visited the U.S. in June 1990, black Americans greeted him as if Martin Luther King Jr. and Malcolm X had come back to life.

Most white Americans also celebrated his visit. After the racial turmoil of the 1960s in the U.S., full of guilt and recrimination between blacks and whites, here was a chance for all Americans to stand on common, high moral ground and join hands with a black freedom movement.

Mandela had little idea how Americans viewed him. His rapturous reception, he later said, was “beyond my wildest dreams.” He visited eight cities, spoke to a joint session of Congress, had a ticker-tape parade in New York and placed a wreath at Martin Luther King Jr.’s grave in Atlanta.

In his address to Congress, Mandela spoke to the American dream of liberty for all when he said that his fellow members of the African National Congress in South Africa would “fight for and visualize a future in which all shall, without regard to race, color creed or sex have the right to vote and to be voted into all elective [offices] . . . To deny any person their human rights is to challenge their very humanity.”

Now that Mandela is gone, memories of those heady days in 1990 keep coming back to me, particularly the scenes at his house after his release as he hugged grandchildren and greeted old friends. With an American in the room, he returned often to questions about the U.S.

He knew a little about the country through his daughter Zenani, who studied at Boston University. She had been able to go there thanks to an act of American kindness that had again underscored the differences in the racial stories of the United States and South Africa. A black Republican businessman, Bob Brown, had come to visit Mandela in prison in 1986 and later set up a scholarship for Zenani and paid her expenses.

Mandela wanted to know more about the power and relative wealth of American blacks. For example, he was a big boxing fan and asked about the prominence of black celebrities in the U.S., especially then-heavyweight champion Mike Tyson. He also asked about the power of black judges, especially Justice Thurgood Marshall, who was then—almost unthinkably, for a South African—on the Supreme Court.

But it was American alliances across racial and political lines in support of sanctions against South Africa that most interested him. Perhaps that’s because he was so comfortable reaching across dividing lines himself. It was striking, in the days after his release, to see how easily he interacted with white people, both South Africans and foreign visitors who came to his home.

In one indelible moment, Mandela even spoke of some of the white guards in his prison as friends. That inspiring example, of a man able to rise above the deepest racial division, is Mandela’s undying gift to the world.

Mr. Williams is a political analyst for Fox News and a columnist for The Hill

 

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